President Nechirvan Barzani answered questions from the presenter of Al-Muwajaha on Al-Sharqiya TV on the evening of August 12, 2026. This is a full transcript of the interview:
Al Sharqiya: Since October 7, the region has undergone rapid changes that have reshaped many of the balances of power and created new realities, from the events in Gaza and Syria to the US-Israeli war against Iran. There are also the challenges of bringing weapons under state control, the financial crisis, political obligations, as well as security and regional developments.
This raises a number of strategic and important questions: Does Iraq have a clear vision for its future? Is it able to face its own domestic challenges and adapt to regional and international developments? Or will it remain waiting until the crises surrounding it end? What about the Kurdistan Region? What is its role in shaping the future of Iraq in light of the changes the region is experiencing?
There are many questions that arise today, and what is more important than answering them is whether Iraq is really ready for the post-transition period. These are the issues that we will try to discuss tonight with the President of the Kurdistan Region, Mr. Nechirvan Barzani.
We once again welcome the President of the Kurdistan Region, Mr. Nechirvan Barzani. Welcome, Mr. President.
President Nechirvan Barzani: Welcome.
Al Sharqiya: Mr. President, first of all, thank you for providing this opportunity and accepting our invitation. We may have many questions and we may tire you, but we hope you will accept all these questions with an open mind.
President Nechirvan Barzani: You’re very welcome.
Al Sharqiya: Hello. Let’s start with the first question:
You said that we are all in the same ship and that we respect the sacrifices of Hashdi Shaabi. But the question is: Where is the future of the armed groups (Fasail) in Iraq headed? How do you view them? Do you see a difference between Hashd and Fasail, or do you see them as one part and one body?
President Nechirvan Barzani: Thank you very much, Mr. Hisham. We welcome you to Erbil. Of course, I repeat, we in the Kurdistan Region have special respect for the sacrifices of the Hashd and the Iraqi army and their colleagues, the Peshmerga, in Kurdistan in defending Iraqi territory.
Regarding the issue of Hashd and Fasail, when we go to Baghdad, we are often given a lesson explaining the difference between Hashd and Fasail, but ultimately both Fasail and Hashd are funded by the Iraqi government.
Our view on Fasail is not a matter of opposing Fasail. The issue and the fundamental question is: Where is Iraq going? We are all in the same ship. We are all together in Baghdad, Basra and Zakho. Our view is that what these factions are doing is neither in the interest of Iraq nor in the interest of a good future for this country.
On the one hand, these factions threaten our neighbors and attack our brotherly Arab countries with drones. Is it reasonable for a force inside Iraq to become a source of threat to Jordan, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Qatar, Bahrain and these countries?
Our problem is not a personal issue with the Hashd. Our view is based on the general interest of Iraq. We believe that according to the Iraqi Constitution and according to the government agenda that Prime Minister Ali Zaidi presented when forming the government, it clearly states that weapons must be in the hands of the state.
This is our issue. We believe that these forces must be under the umbrella of the commander-in-chief of the armed forces, the prime minister, and a solution must be found as soon as possible. The big question is: Who governs Iraq? Is it the prime minister, the political forces, or a group of people who are outside the law and whose actions are not really in the interest of Iraq?
When we go abroad, we always tell big companies to come and invest in Iraq. But the first question for every company that wants to come to Iraq is: Is there security? Is it reasonable for Fasail to target and attack oil companies in southern Iraq? Therefore, these companies do not come to Iraq.
Therefore, the Kurdistan Region’s view on the issue of Fasail is generally based on what is good for Iraq. We believe that all Iraqi political forces must support the prime minister and, in the interest of Iraq, must accept laying down their arms, joining the Iraqi political process and joining the Iraqi security forces. What is very, very important is that weapons must be in the hands of the government only.
Al Sharqiya: Mr. President, you may have mentioned this during your State Administration meeting when you asked Mr. al-Zaidi in front of the audience: “Have you committed yourself to the Americans to keep weapons only in the hands of the state?”
Here we have a question. You mentioned that Iraq may face international pressure. The question is: Do you know whether Iraq will face international pressure if we, as Iraq, do not fulfill our obligations to the Americans and do not place weapons under state control?
President Nechirvan Barzani: I think my first point is that this is not an obligation to the United States; this is an obligation to Iraq. The issue of bringing weapons under state control is not an obligation to the United States. Why should we pretend that this is an obligation of Iraq to the United States? The United States came to this country one day and will leave this country one day, but what remains in Iraq is us. We are the Iraqi people, and we will remain. This is not an American obligation.
Let’s put it another way. Is it in Iraq’s interest to hand over our entire destiny to some people who are outside the law? The Kurdistan Region has been bombed nearly 1,000 times so far. And not only the Kurdistan Region. They have bombed Iraqi security headquarters in Baghdad. The question is: What are the benefits of this force for Iraq? Leave America aside. Why should we connect these two things? The United States is a different matter. When the United States came to Iraq in 2014, it came at an official invitation from Iraq.
What is our position in the Kurdistan Region? We thank the United States and its allies for helping Iraq in the fight against ISIS. We thank them. We thank the United States and all its allies, but ISIS was defeated with the blood of the Iraqi army, Hashdi Shaabi and the Peshmerga. We all did that together. Why did we do that? We did it to leave a better future for our future generations, not to have a group of outlaws rule this country.
This issue, the issue of bringing weapons under state control, has nothing to do with the United States. Let me come to the issue of the United States. According to an agreement with the Iraqi government, US forces have a timetable for leaving Iraq, which ends at the end of September. I asked the prime minister that question in the meeting: Is Your Excellency committed to that timetable? “Yes, we are committed,” he said.
Some believe that US forces are in the Kurdistan Region under an agreement between the Kurdistan Region and the United States. No. The presence of US troops in Erbil is in accordance with the agreement that the federal government has made with the United States, and the United States is now adhering to its timetable, according to which it will withdraw its forces from Iraq by the end of September.
But let me say this, and I am addressing all Iraqi political forces and the Iraqi people. By God, if Iraq does not resolve this issue, Iraq will be subjected to international and regional pressure. Iraq’s neighbors are very eager to help Iraq. Arab countries want to invest in Iraq. I know how much the Gulf countries, the UAE, would like to invest in Iraq. I know how much Saudi Arabia would like to. But it cannot be done.
We have to come to that conclusion. For us, Iraq comes first. If our slogan, which is often mentioned, is “Iraq first,” and since this is the slogan of all of us, then it is not in Iraq’s interest for a group of outlaws to come and create problems for Iraq.
This is a very important issue, and the prime minister has committed himself to this issue. The Iraqi Constitution states this very clearly. The prime minister expressed this as a commitment when presenting the government’s agenda and now needs the support of the political forces. We in the Kurdistan Region, with all our communities, support this issue.
The Iraqi prime minister is the prime minister of Iraq from Faw to Zakho, and the commander-in-chief of the armed forces from Faw to Zakho. That is how we see it. That is how we look at this issue. Yes, the Kurdistan Region has a constitutional framework. This constitutional framework must be respected, and this Constitution must be implemented.
However, Mr. Hisham, we are not looking only at the interests of this Region. We are looking at the interests of Iraq. We seriously want an Iraq where all communities feel peaceful and happy.
Al Sharqiya: Certainly, Mr. President, all that you said is clearly in our interest as Iraq as we move toward this issue or this project, but we cannot separate this issue from the United States, whether with or without a commitment, because ultimately Iraq’s finances and money are in the United States. The Americans consider themselves to have played a major role in overthrowing Saddam’s regime and establishing a new system.
Now they have a program for what is called a “new Middle East,” which means controlling the Middle East and drawing up a new map. All these complications make it in Iraq’s interest first to bring weapons under state control and then talk about the common interests between us and the United States.
But if weapons are not disarmed or brought under state control, will Iraq face US sanctions? Will Iraqi money be confiscated? All of these are questions that can be asked. What information have you received as the Kurdistan Region?
President Nechirvan Barzani: In fact, Iraq has a very special situation. When Iraq sells its oil, the money does not go directly back to Iraq, but goes to the Federal Reserve Bank of the United States and is then brought back to Iraq. Iraq’s economic situation is at its worst. If the Strait of Hormuz is not opened and the current situation continues, Iraq will face the biggest problem in the region.
As for the issue of bringing weapons under state control, which I have already mentioned, let’s say it is an American request. But in fact, before it can be an American request, it must be an Iraqi request. Leave the United States aside and come to the Iraqi demand.
I and we in the Kurdistan Region believe that if this issue is not resolved, Iraq will face international sanctions, be marginalized in the region and be isolated from its Arab and regional neighbors. This is my view.
Al Sharqiya: Well, ultimately, you have contacts with all political parties. Frankly, when I ask you, most of the political parties have great respect for you. Have you received information regarding the armed groups? Some say this issue is not a subject for internal discussion. Others go in another direction and say this issue is linked to Iran, so if we want to bring weapons under state control and dissolve the groups, we must sit at the negotiating table.
President Nechirvan Barzani: I think this is a completely Iraqi issue. We must go back and say that our first task must be to identify where Iraq’s interests lie. It is in Iraq’s interest that weapons are in the hands of the state.
But on the issue of Iran, to be more frank, during my last visit to Tehran, I spoke to the Iranians about this issue, because we coordinate with Baghdad, especially with the prime minister, on every trip abroad. I spoke to Iranian officials in Tehran about this issue, and I want to say frankly that what I heard from Iranian officials was that they told me: Tell Prime Minister Zaidi that we are ready to cooperate on this issue. I told them: Is this your official position? They said: Yes, this is our official position.
Al Sharqiya: Who told you this? Pezeshkian?
President Nechirvan Barzani: I don’t want to say who told me this, but it was Iranian officials who are responsible for this file.
Al Sharqiya: The person in charge of the Iraqi file?
President Nechirvan Barzani: The person in charge of the file emphasized this twice and told me to inform Zaidi. Because I spoke to them about this issue, I said that if you can help us with this matter, then we in Iraq, as your neighbors, expect you to help us. I think this is in Iran’s interest, not just Iraq’s.
What are Iran’s interests in Iraq? Our current trade with Iran, excluding gas and other things, is about $12 billion, and it would be better for us to strengthen our economic ties. Then a serious question arises that these armed groups should ask themselves: What is the point of what they are doing in Iraq? What good are the drones at their disposal? If you think rationally, look at what they have achieved and what major goals they have accomplished. Nothing, except damage to Iraq’s reputation and to the Iraqi people. As they continue, the damage becomes greater.
If the issue is Iran, as I just mentioned, I was one of those who discussed this issue with the Iranians at the request of the prime minister when I went there this time.
Al Sharqiya: That means the Iranians have shown their willingness to help Zaidi.
President Nechirvan Barzani: Frankly, I asked once and they answered twice, just to make sure. The second time they said: Tell Prime Minister Ali Zaidi that we are ready to help him.
Al Sharqiya: Frankly?
President Nechirvan Barzani: Quite frankly.
Al Sharqiya: History has taught us that at every stage there are those who rebel, even against decisions and agreements.
President Nechirvan Barzani: That’s right.
Al Sharqiya: This is what history tells us.
President Nechirvan Barzani: That’s right.
Al Sharqiya: In the event that some groups rebel and do not surrender their weapons, or their weapons are not brought under state control, this brings me to al-Zaidi’s request at the State Administration meeting, when he asked the leaders to authorize him to confront them. According to what we have heard and the information we have received, you gave al-Zaidi authorization in this matter. Is that true?
President Nechirvan Barzani: In fact, we proposed giving Prime Minister Zaidi the authority, and there was almost a general consensus at the meeting.
Al Sharqiya: Consensus?
President Nechirvan Barzani: Yes, consensus. We also issued a clear statement on this issue. All forces expressed their commitment to supporting the prime minister.
But I personally think that there is now a need for dialogue with them before entering into any confrontation, and the basis of this dialogue should be one main point: Where does Iraq’s interest lie in this matter?
The point is not that we want a confrontation. Nobody wants that. We must move beyond the stage where there are people who want Shiites to confront Shiites and Kurds to confront Kurds, or who want problems between Kurds and Shiites and between Sunnis and Shiites. The interests of all of us in Iraq must be the same.
I think that from now on, and in the near future, we need a frank, clear and uncompromising dialogue with these groups. As far as I know, some of those who took up arms have understood the situation and are willing to lay down their weapons. But the others must immediately be engaged in a serious dialogue, a serious dialogue aimed at implementing the Iraqi government’s program.
They are certainly part of this process, and this is in Iraq’s interest. If this does not happen, I think Iraq’s other options will be very limited. As far as we in the Kurdistan Region are concerned, we support the government’s program, we support the need to bring weapons under state control, and we support the Iraqi government.
Al Sharqiya: Mr. President, we hope we do not reach this stage, the stage of confrontation and war. But you have given al-Zaidi permission that if some groups rebel against the decision to hand over their weapons, the government may confront them with its security forces. Do you support this decision?
President Nechirvan Barzani: Let me say this: all the political forces said they would support the prime minister. We must all support him because this is not a personal issue. It is not an issue concerning Ali Zaidi personally as prime minister, but one that affects all Iraqi political forces. He now carries this heavy burden because he is the prime minister.
As far as we are concerned, as Iraqi political forces representing all communities, including Kurds, Sunnis, Turkmens, Christians and Yezidis, we must support the prime minister because the issue is not personal. Ultimately, it is about the interests of Iraq.
Al Sharqiya: Mr. President, since we are talking about bringing weapons under state control and the incidents that have occurred in the past, according to reports, the Kurdistan Region has faced more than 1,000 missile and drone attacks. The question is simple: Who is bombing the Kurdistan Region?
President Nechirvan Barzani: In fact, the issue is clear and there is no uncertainty about it. You know, this question is repeated a lot. When the Kurdistan Region was bombed, they told us to provide evidence and information because they did not know who the perpetrators were. Today’s world is far more advanced than that. When attacks are carried out anywhere in Iraq, it is very clear where they were launched from. Technology and satellites monitor everything, and everything is known.
The issue does not require all of this. Those who bombed the Kurdistan Region were specific groups. Most of the attacks were carried out from within Iraq, and some of them were carried out from Iran during the 40 days of war.
Al Sharqiya: Where are the attacks on the Kurdistan Region coming from? From which areas?
President Nechirvan Barzani: From Mosul, Diyala, Salahaddin, Kirkuk and Tal Afar.
Al Sharqiya: This means that they must know who has authority over these areas, because whoever controls these areas is the one carrying out the attacks.
President Nechirvan Barzani: There is 100 percent confirmed information.
Al Sharqiya: Don’t the leaders of these groups speak?
President Nechirvan Barzani: We speak to the prime minister, the Iraqi prime minister, and the Iraqi political forces. If we have the opportunity, we are ready to speak to the groups. But they certainly avoid us. If we could sit down together, we would speak to them with complete clarity and frankness. I have spoken to some of them about these issues in the past. I have spoken face to face with some of these groups, certainly before these events.
Al Sharqiya: So, Mr. President, the bombings or attacks may have stopped now, and we have not seen any attacks against the Kurdistan Region recently, either by drones or missiles. Is this due to an agreement or a partial agreement between Iran and the United States? If the war resumes, will the Kurdistan Region be targeted in the same way? Why is the Kurdistan Region being targeted? This is the question we are asking: Why the Kurdistan Region?
President Nechirvan Barzani: This actually raises the same question for us: Why is the Kurdistan Region being targeted? We, as an entity, are not part of the war, and Erbil, Sulaymaniyah and Duhok are part of Iraq.
Instead of asking us this question, I would ask the leaders of these outlaw groups: Please, can you tell us why you are targeting the Kurdistan Region? As I said earlier, if the issue is related to the United States, the United States will withdraw according to its timetable. And the US presence is based on an agreement with the Iraqi government in which the Kurdistan Region had no role.
Are we not Iraqis? Are we not human beings living in this country? Isn’t a citizen living in the Kurdistan Region an Iraqi citizen? Doesn’t he travel on an Iraqi passport? We are Iraqis, and this means that what they are doing to the Kurdistan Region is not only directed against the Kurdistan Region, but against the whole of Iraq, including all its communities.
I don’t know what they are telling Iraqis when they claim to be the resistance front. Resistance against whom? I don’t know. What they are doing will harm the whole of Iraq. The whole of Iraq will suffer from their actions, and the Kurdistan Region, as part of Iraq, will suffer as well.
Al Sharqiya: Now, when the resistance attacks, it does not harm the US presence, but it has a negative impact on Iraq.
President Nechirvan Barzani: Certainly. Let me tell you about one of the consequences. Believe me, they have not affected the United States, but they have created problems for the Kurdistan Region. They have created economic problems for the Kurdistan Region.
They have achieved nothing. They raise big slogans and make grand statements, but when you look closely and examine the results, you do not see that they have achieved anything, such as ending the American presence.
Al Sharqiya: Mr. President, if the resistance does not serve the interests of Iraq, then whose interests does it serve?
President Nechirvan Barzani: Ask them that question. Ask the resistance itself whom they are serving. What matters to me is whether they are serving Iraq’s interests. The answer is no.
Al Sharqiya: So there is no point in having a resistance?
President Nechirvan Barzani: By God, it has not benefited anyone. What resistance? What are they actually resisting?
The United States has decided to leave. As I mentioned, the United States came to Iraq to help fight ISIS, and the US mission ends in September, so there is no excuse. With all due respect, if they call themselves the resistance, there is no excuse for these groups to keep their weapons and create problems for this country of their own free will.
Al Sharqiya: They do not serve the interests of Iraq.
President Nechirvan Barzani: No, not at all.
Al Sharqiya: Is it possible that they serve the interests of others?
President Nechirvan Barzani: As far as I can see, no. In my view, if anyone thinks that these groups are helping or serving the interests of other countries, they are doing much more harm than good.
Al Sharqiya: We have reached the issue of relations with Baghdad. From your words, I see that you are optimistic about Mr. al-Zaidi and about the steps he is taking regarding the government’s program and its implementation on the ground. But we have a complicated issue: the relationship between the Kurdistan Region and Baghdad. We are used to seeing optimism at the beginning of each prime minister’s term, then gradually the conflict develops until the end of the government, and then we start again each time. Is there really a genuine determination to end these disputes and establish a relationship in accordance with the Constitution, agreements and decisions, or will we see this relationship deteriorate again toward the end of the government’s term?
President Nechirvan Barzani: This question is actually very important. Indeed, this question resurfaces with the start of each new cabinet regarding the relationship between the Kurdistan Region and Baghdad. Initially, there is a honeymoon, and then things go wrong.
But let me put it another way. I don’t think the core of the problem lies with individuals. I don’t see the core of the problem as being any particular person. For example, I see the prime minister’s intention to resolve the problems in Iraq as very positive, and I feel that he genuinely wants to resolve the problems between the Kurdistan Region and Baghdad.
But where is the core of the problem? The essence of the problem is that after 2003, we defined a system in Iraq called a democratic federal Iraq. The fundamental question regarding Iraq and the relationship between Erbil and Baghdad is this: Is Iraq really a democratic federal Iraq, or is it a centralized Iraq? This is where the major problem begins.
When Baghdad looks at Erbil, there is a view in Baghdad that the Kurdistan Region does not act as a federal entity, but as a confederal or independent entity. Let’s be realistic. The way Baghdad treats the Kurdistan Region is more centralized than under many centralized systems.
The essence of the problem since 2003 is that we have not reached a decisive conclusion on whether Iraq is centralized or federal. The Iraqi system and the Iraqi Constitution, which 80 percent of Iraqis voted for, say that Iraq is federal. Unless these differences with Baghdad are resolved through fraternal dialogue, we will continue to say that our system is federal.
What does a federal system mean? It means that, as Iraqis, we have rights and duties. We are part of Iraq and we are Iraqis. What the Kurdistan Region wants is nothing more than the implementation of this Constitution.
Now Baghdad treats us according to laws, but when do these laws date from? For example, Iraqi financial laws all date back to before 2003, as do Iraqi agricultural laws. These laws hinder the implementation of this federal system.
According to the federal system, we are within the framework of Iraq, and our problems must be resolved within the framework of Iraq. Baghdad is the strategic depth of the Kurds and Kurdistan. But this connection is now missing from our relations with Baghdad. This must be addressed.
Why is addressing this important? Politically, we want a peaceful Iraq for all communities and a good future for Iraq. The key to a unified, organized Iraq without problems with itself or its neighbors is to resolve the issues with the Kurdistan Region in accordance with the Iraqi Constitution and in the interests of the whole of Iraq.
I see Prime Minister Zaidi’s intentions as very positive. That does not mean that the previous prime minister’s intentions were bad, but I believe that this point has not yet been fully understood in Baghdad.
We must settle these issues because, after 23 years, we are still demanding a federal Iraq. But let’s have a serious discussion and ask: Is this really a federal Iraq? I swear it is not federal. What we have today is a strange system. It is neither centralized nor federal, and we don’t even know what it is. This is the problem.
Al Sharqiya: Mr. President, we are getting the impression that both sides are comfortable with the current relationship as it is. So far, neither the Kurdistan Region nor Baghdad is moving toward establishing this principle. What you mentioned is not merely one part of the issue, but the main basis for building this relationship. Consequently, what you have seen from al-Zaidi up to this point appears sincere, but does the political will of the other parties exist or not?
President Nechirvan Barzani: I asked this question frankly within the Coordination Framework, the so-called Shiite Coordination Framework. In fact, I think it is true that we should discuss it with the prime minister, but those who are more directly involved in this issue are the parties within the Coordination Framework, and we should discuss it with them. We have discussed it with them.
If you look at the stages Iraq has gone through since 2003, you will see that Iraq has gone through very difficult periods, from internal conflicts to the war against ISIS, which changed the priorities somewhat. But I think that after all these stages, the current period is the time to resolve this issue.
The situation no longer allows us to use the war against ISIS, the war against terrorism and similar issues as political or economic justifications. So we will continue our efforts with our brothers in Baghdad. In any case, the KRG’s policy is to resolve these issues through dialogue with Baghdad.
Al Sharqiya: We may need a government that makes relations with the Kurdistan Region its first priority, because the current government has made bringing weapons under state control one of its main priorities.
President Nechirvan Barzani: Bringing weapons under state control is also part of resolving the issue with the Kurdistan Region. But my view is that we must reach a common understanding in the interests of Iraq, because it is not in Iraq’s interest to continue saying that there are problems between Erbil and Baghdad. This issue must be resolved in accordance with the Constitution.
Al Sharqiya: We hope so, but the current political parties in Iraq are making accusations. There is also a crisis of confidence. Thank God, there are currently no accusations against the Kurdistan Region, and the situation is good, and everyone attended the State Administration meeting without making accusations.
However, these political parties themselves make various accusations against the Kurdistan Region, which reflects the crisis of trust between the political parties and the Kurdistan Region. We don’t know exactly what to call it, but there is a political reality and a crisis between you and some political parties, particularly some leaders of the Shiite Coordination Framework. This shows the scale of the crisis. What is your response to these allegations?
President Nechirvan Barzani: In fact, these accusations have no basis. First, foreign relations fall within Baghdad’s exclusive powers, and we take our steps regarding relations within the framework of Baghdad’s policies.
But in terms of coordination and cooperation, we have the best coordination with the Iraqi army. In terms of intelligence relations between Erbil and Baghdad, and when I say Erbil, I mean the entire Kurdistan Region, we have excellent relations with Baghdad. There is excellent coordination between our Ministry of Interior and the Iraqi Ministry of Interior.
In fact, these accusations have no basis at all. Instead of hearing these things through the media and social networks, which creates social problems between different parts of Iraq, I would prefer that they discuss them directly with us. We are ready and open to discussing all these issues one by one.
Al Sharqiya: So these accusations are baseless and stem from political conflict.
President Nechirvan Barzani: They are 100 percent baseless.
Al Sharqiya: One hundred percent?
President Nechirvan Barzani: Yes, 100 percent baseless.
Al Sharqiya: They stem from political conflict. So what do the political parties want from the Kurdistan Region? What do some of the parties in the Coordination Framework want from the Kurdistan Region?
President Nechirvan Barzani: Ask them that question.
Al Sharqiya: I certainly will, God willing.
President Nechirvan Barzani: Ask them this question. As I told you earlier, we consider ourselves part of this country and part of Iraq’s social fabric. Politically, we participate in the government in Baghdad, in the Iraqi parliament, and we want to participate in Iraqi institutions, despite the fact that the proportion of Kurds in Iraqi institutions is small. We see ourselves as part of this country, and our strategy is very clear: we want to solve our problems within Iraq.
Al Sharqiya: One of the other crises, Mr. President, is the financial crisis. Everyone is talking about the financial crisis that Iraq is going through, a very serious crisis. The closure of the Strait of Hormuz, its international consequences, and the lack of state revenues have caused anxiety among everyone, both citizens and even politicians and leaders. Are you concerned that this crisis will deepen? The Kurdistan Region is already suffering from a financial crisis even without this crisis.
President Nechirvan Barzani: Obviously, as a result of the crisis created by the war between the United States and Israel on the one hand and Iran on the other, Iraq is actually a major loser in this war. Iraq faces two major problems. The first is that the public sector in Iraq, and the number of people on the Iraqi government payroll, is very large. The government needs at least $6 billion to $7 billion a month just to pay salaries, in addition to investment funds and other expenses.
Iraq’s oil exports go through the Strait of Hormuz, and the situation in the Strait of Hormuz has brought Iraq to a stage where all Iraqi political forces must recognize the seriousness of the situation and take responsibility. The economic situation in Iraq is very bad. The Iraqi prime minister explained Iraq’s financial situation to all the participants at the meeting and spoke about Iraq’s reserves and the government’s program.
In fact, we hope that the current crisis will not turn into a social crisis. All Iraqi political forces must cooperate with the Iraqi government and the prime minister to get through this stage. I consider this a very dangerous period economically. Therefore, it is in Iraq’s interest for the war in the region to end as soon as possible and for the Strait of Hormuz to reopen so that Iraq can export its oil.
As for the Kurdistan Region, we are ready to provide all kinds of assistance and support, but these are long-term solutions. If Iraq wants to build a pipeline through the Kurdistan Region, we welcome it and are ready to cooperate in this regard. If they want to extend it to Syria, we are ready. But these are all long-term solutions. Immediate solutions may require a series of measures, and all Iraqi political forces must support the prime minister and take responsibility.
We hope that everyone will take responsibility and that the Kurdistan Region’s position is clear, especially after the recent agreement to increase oil exports through its pipelines. We hope there will be immediate solutions because long-term solutions will not help Iraq right now.
Al Sharqiya: Mr. President, in the same context, we are talking about Syria and exporting oil through Baniyas. You had an important visit to Syria, where you met with Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa. Some say that during the visit you were in contact with Mr. Ali al-Zaidi and conveyed Mr. Ali al-Zaidi’s views and some details. We have this information, but we do not have the details of what happened in that meeting. What were the most important agreements and discussions you had with President Ahmed al-Sharaa?
President Nechirvan Barzani: In fact, before my visit to Syria, I met with President al-Sharaa several times in Turkey, and he asked us to visit Syria. Our visit to Syria was fully coordinated with Prime Minister Ali Zaidi in Baghdad, and not only with the prime minister, but also with the Iraqi political forces before the trip.
Although I visited Syria as President of the Kurdistan Region, I also went there as an Iraqi official. Our meeting with the President of Syria was very good. Syria is Iraq’s neighbor, and it is very important to us that this country enjoys political and economic peace and stability. In fact, we believe that after the events and the fall of the previous regime, the Syrian president is trying to move Syria from this stage to a better one in a planned and organized way and to secure a better future for his country.
On the other hand, we emphasized several points. First, we in Iraq want our borders to be protected. We want the border between Iraq and Syria to be peaceful, secure, and free of problems. Economically, we emphasized that we in the Kurdistan Region and Iraq want better economic relations between Iraq and Syria, and the Syrian president is eager to develop this relationship.
We also stressed that the Kurdistan Region will play a cooperative role in resolving their issues, such as the issues between them and HSD (SDF), within the framework of a unified Syria. What I felt was that the process between Damascus and HSD (SDF) was going very well and that the president was serious about resolving these issues within the framework of a unified Syria.
Syria is our neighbor, and the Syrian people provided us with a great deal of assistance during difficult times. We are very concerned that Syria should have a good future for all its different communities and nationalities, so we support this process. Upon my return, I contacted our Prime Minister Zaidi on this issue, and we hope that the prime minister will visit Damascus in the future. We also hope that the Syrian president will visit Iraq and that we will develop these relations as two neighboring countries.
Al Sharqiya: Mr. President, one of the discussions may concern the Syrian Kurds. Mazlum Abdi’s visits to the Kurdistan Region and Erbil indicate that Mazlum Abdi has great respect for you and believes that Mr. Massoud Barzani is a leader of the Kurdish nation. Does this open the door to discussions about supporting the Syrian Kurds in declaring a region, or even secession, which could create fear among Syrians? Or do you support the territorial integrity of Syria while supporting the Syrian Kurds and defending their rights?
President Nechirvan Barzani: After the fall of the regime in Syria, our advice to our brothers, whether in HSD (SDF) or all the Syrian Kurdish parties, was limited to one thing. Regarding the issue of forming a region, if you look at Syria, you can see that they cannot claim what we have in the Kurdistan Region because they do not have a unified geography.
But what we want is not to interfere in determining the model that should be implemented in Syria. That has nothing to do with us; it is up to the Syrians. Our position remains that these issues should be resolved within the framework of a unified Syria. But as for what the model will be, they must reach an agreement with Damascus, not only for the Kurds, but also for other communities such as the Alawites, Druze, and Christians.
What we emphasized with Mr. President was the need to include the rights of these communities in the Syrian Constitution. As for the other details and how the model should work, we will not interfere in any of that. We will cooperate, but we will not interfere, and we will leave the discussion of these issues to them to resolve with Damascus.
Al Sharqiya: Mr. President, did you convey messages between Mr. al-Zaidi and al-Sharaa?
President Nechirvan Barzani: On every visit we make, and to every country I travel to, I always coordinate with Baghdad, and when I return, I inform Baghdad of the results of my visit. We conveyed our respects and greetings from His Excellency the Prime Minister and his emphasis on good relations.
As I mentioned, although I made this visit as President of the Kurdistan Region, I also made it as an Iraqi official. In other words, the visit was not only related to the Kurdistan Region, but to the whole of Iraq. As I said before, we hope that Prime Minister Zaidi will visit Damascus in the near future.
Al Sharqiya: God bless you.
Mr. President, the issue of Sinjar remains. You may ask why I left the Sinjar issue until after Syria. In my view, the Sinjar issue is also subject to constant regional pressure. The main reason, according to what we hear, is that regional pressures are preventing the implementation of the Sinjar Agreement. For this reason, we have included it in the context of regional and international affairs. Are regional pressures really the main reason behind the failure to implement the Sinjar Agreement?
President Nechirvan Barzani: We had a very good agreement, which you mentioned. The Sinjar Agreement between the Kurdistan Regional Government and the federal government was signed in 2020 in the presence of the then UN Secretary-General’s representative, Ms. Plasschaert. Since then, the Kurdistan Region has been waiting for the implementation of this agreement.
I believe that implementing this agreement will bring political and social security and stability to Sinjar. Responsibility for the failure to implement the agreement lies with the forces in Sinjar. We have spoken a great deal about illegal forces, and some of the forces present there are illegal. These forces must leave Sinjar. Sinjar must return to a normal situation.
As you know, the Yezidis suffered greatly when ISIS came. We must not turn the issue of the Yezidis into a political issue. Instead, we must help them return to their homeland. In fact, both Baghdad and Erbil must help them because they deserve a better life. What happened to them was a great tragedy. They faced genocide in 2014 and afterward.
We therefore reiterate that we believe the Sinjar Agreement between the Kurdistan Regional Government and Baghdad is a very important step toward normalizing the situation in Sinjar.
Al Sharqiya: Mr. President, the final question is about your views on the future of the political process in Iraq. Regarding the conflict in the Middle East, the war involving the United States, Israel and Iran, Iraq should have built balanced relations with both sides. But now, as we have seen, there is a tendency by the government to move closer to the United States, on the grounds that most of its outstanding issues are with the United States. Has Iraq chosen its path in foreign policy and aligned itself with the United States as an ally, or are we still maintaining a position in the middle? And what is your view of the future of the political process in the context of all the conflicts in the region?
President Nechirvan Barzani: In my view, Iraq’s position in the war was neutral. Iraq cannot isolate itself from its surroundings in the region, and it cannot rely solely on one country, whether that is the United States or any other country. It is in our interest for Iraq not to join any axis, because Iraq is capable of playing a neutral role.
During the war, many accusations were made against the Kurdistan Region, but we remained very neutral. For example, one of the most important things was to prevent the Kurdistan Region from being used as a platform to create problems for Iran.
Al Sharqiya: But Iran says otherwise. There is an Iranian Kurdish opposition in the Kurdistan Region, and their target is Iran.
President Nechirvan Barzani: Let me ask whether any of these opposition groups have actually done this. Although social media produced videos like James Bond films, allegedly showing people crossing the border, the truth is that we prevented any problems for our neighbor Iran from arising through the borders of the Kurdistan Region.
Why? Because the main principle for Iraq is that Iraq should not be a threat to any of its neighbors, and the Kurdistan Region, which is part of Iraq, must not be allowed to become a threat to Iran or any other neighboring country. We did not allow these forces to cross the border.
It is true that these forces are here, but their presence here does not go back one or two years. They have been here for around 40 years, and we inherited this situation. The point is that we want this problem to be resolved. But how should this problem be resolved? It must be resolved by the Kurdistan Region and Baghdad, in coordination and cooperation with these forces themselves and with Iran. But as a matter of principle, we are against allowing Iraq to become a source of threat to any of our neighbors.
In my view, Iraqi policy has worked very well so far. Iraq has pursued a genuinely balanced policy. I do not want to return to this issue again, but some of the laws that have been passed must not be allowed to create problems for Iraqi foreign policy. Iraq has acted in the best possible way, but these problems have now become a heavy burden on Iraq.
I believe that Iraq should not become a party to any of these conflicts. Iraq must maintain a balance, remain equally distant from all sides, and not rely solely on any one country.
Al Sharqiya: What are your views on the future of the political system or the political process in Iraq? How do you see the future of Iraq’s political process?
President Nechirvan Barzani: I think the political process in Iraq is improving, and the Iraqi political forces must support our government in Baghdad. I return to what I said at the beginning: we are all on the same ship.
We all share the same destiny, and we must accept this principle. Our destiny as Iraqis is the same, and we must help one another. Wherever the Kurdistan Region can assist Baghdad, wherever Baghdad can assist the Kurdistan Region, and wherever the political forces can assist the prime minister, we must all work together for a better and brighter future for the whole of Iraq.
Al Sharqiya: Thank you very much, Mr. President of the Kurdistan Region, Mr. Nechirvan Barzani, for everything you have said. Thank you for your generosity in answering all the questions I asked you. Thank you very much for providing us with this opportunity.
original article (in Kurdish)
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